The rise of the West has long been the accepted doctrine for framing analyses of world history. Privileging a Eurocentric approach, this traditional paradigm obscures the significance of the indigenous rich in non-Western regions and fails to recognize the contributions of the Orient. In this book, Peter Gran seeks to reframe current historical debates, presenting a model of analysis based on the rise of the rich. Gran outlines the structure of this new paradigm, building upon metanarrative concepts from Marxism to liberalism. Rather than a history of clashing civilizations, he identifies a history of resolving conflicts through negotiations among the wealthy classes of various regions. Fundamental to his theory is evidence demonstrating the existence of non-European ruling classes with power in interregional affairs. Far-reaching in its historical scope, Gran's work lays the foundation for a critical rethinking of world history and offers a vital contribution to the field. 1. Language: English. Narrator: John Skinner. Audio sample: http://samples.audible.de/bk/acx0/015390/bk_acx0_015390_sample.mp3. Digital audiobook in aax.
New regionalism and world order: a long-term transatlantic rift? ab 58.99 € als Taschenbuch: Assessing the impact of the American and European diverging regionalisms and interregional strategies on the EU-US relationship. Aus dem Bereich: Bücher, Wissenschaft, Politikwissenschaft,
New regionalism and world order: a long-term transatlantic rift? ab 58.99 EURO Assessing the impact of the American and European diverging regionalisms and interregional strategies on the EU-US relationship
The area claimed by the British Empire as Western Australia was primarily colonized through two major thrusts: the development of the Swan River Colony to the southwest in 1829, and the 1863 movement of Australian born settlers to colonize the northwest region. The Western Australian story is overwhelmingly the story of the spread of market capitalism, a narrative which is at the foundation of modern western world economy and culture. Due to the timing of settlement in Western Australia there was a lack of older infrastructure patterns based on industrial capitalism to evoke geographical inertia to modify and deform the newer system in many ways making the systemic patterns which grew out of market capitalist forces clearer and easier to delineate than in older settlement areas. However, the struggle between the forces of market capitalism, settlers and indigenous Australians over space, labor, physical and economic resources and power relationships are both unique to place and time and universal in allowing an understanding of how such complicated regional, interregional and global forces shape a settler society.Through an examination of historical records, town layout and architecture, landscape analysis, excavation data, and material culture analysis, the author created a nuanced understanding of the social, economic, and cultural developments that took place during this dynamic period in Australian history. In examining this complex settlement history, the author employed several different research methodologies in parallel, to create a comprehensive understanding of the area. Her research techniques will be invaluable to researchers struggling to understand similarly complex sociocultural evolutions throughout the globe.
Supporting regional integration has become acornerstone of the European Union s relations with other regionalgroupings across the world. The policy has evolved considerably frommodest beginnings in the 1980s to increasing commitments in bothquantitative and qualitative terms in more recent years. This studyexamines the motivations that underpin this policy evolution,drawing on rich evidence from EU interregional relations withMercosur, the Andean Community and Central America. By carefully tracingEU support for regional integration from the 1980s until today,Tobias Lenz argues that the underlying policy motivations of relevant EUactors have shifted from considerations of geopolitics to ageoeconomic impetus. This development has been accompanied by andinteracted with a strategic rivalry with the United States. This studyis of interest to students of EU external relations and comparativeregionalism.
China's dynamic economic growth and the successful reforms significantly affected the self-esteem of the Chinese nation and its leadership. Beijing gradually has changed the very quality of its foreign policy and become more confident and purposeful. China safely gets out of the shadows, successfully contrasting Chinese Peaceful Rise or Development concepts to the China's threat theory, intensively promoting soft power policy and using public diplomacy. Moreover, Beijing offers the World its own initiatives or concepts like - Chinese Dream or Great Dream, Community of Common destiny, as well as the initiative of New Great Silk Road (NGSR) - "the Silk Road Economic Belt" and "the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road." The China's President Xi Jinping's NGSR is not only a mega-project designed to deepen Eurasian regional and interregional cooperation, it supports the ideas of building a "community with common destiny" and accepting "greater responsibility" that international community expects Beijing to take up. Chinese Dream may become an ideological basis to propose NGSR initiative that in its turn designed to contribute to the proliferation of the Chinese Dream in China and beyond.
This study aims at highlighting the characteristics of the diverging EU-US "new-regional" and "interregional" policies, as well as their implications on the transatlantic relationship. The book focuses on the political and economical factors that might account for the EU/NAFTA institutionalisation gap and on the alternative world order models behind the EU and the US interregional strategies ("Pax Europaea" vs. "Pax Americana"). The problems overshadowing the transatlantic link in the post-Cold War international system are addressed through a specific question: will the spreading of the new regionalism favor or affect the building of a re-defined and balanced transatlantic partnership? The proposed answer implies that the EU and US respective regional and interregional policies are shaping a competitive transatlantic dynamics, which the EU can only face by increasing the coherence of its internal system of governance.
The Asia-Europe Meeting (ASEM) is one of the earliest forums that put substance into the idea of cooperation between several regional organizations. Among the three core regions in the world: Europe, North America and East Asia, interregional arrangements have been developed in various forms. ASEM emerged in 1996, with an aim to strengthen the missing link in the triadic interregional relationship. ASEM s success in initiating dialogue and cooperation between Asia and EU in economic, political and social dimensions, reflected in a plethora of meetings, conferences, seminars and activities, has created its own challenges and expectations. The success of ASEM depends on both functional and cognitive changes in both regions. ASEM progress has been made in economic cooperation. In contrast, political and security dialogues have confirmed the different positions of members, though the Seoul meeting (2000), opened the potential for interregional political cooperation. Asymmetric progress between the two parties in regional integration shows that cognitive change cannot take place overnight. Therefore, for ASEM to flourish, both interregional and intraregional changes are required.
This book investigates a case of interregionalism, which has become a central concern in EU policy making. The EU relation to the South American regionalism project Mercosur is of special interest due to the failure of on-going negotiations regarding a free trade agreement between these two actors. Brazil, which is a rising power in the world and a hegemon in the region, is the only Mercosur member, which signed a strategic partnership with the EU. This tension between the interregional and bilateral level as a result of EU external trade policy will be analysed to evaluate its effect on Mercosur's integration process.